By Robb Barnes, Climate Program Director

On a recent episode of the Canadian policy-focused Herle Burly podcast, Government House Leader Karina Gould talked about her reasons for running for the Liberals in 2015: 

“When I ran for office I had three things that were top of mind for me. The first was making sure that we had a government that was willing to fight climate change … I went in with three objectives, able to accomplish them. There’s a lot more that I’d like to do, but it’s pretty hard to top it when you actually go to Ottawa and are able to achieve the things that you went there to do.” 

This remark struck me as interesting on two levels. First, it wasn’t too long ago that entire elections seemed to hinge on the climate issue. The consumer-facing carbon price, now seen by many as a political liability for the Liberals, was once the centrepiece of an election strategy. 

After nearly two decades in the climate space, I’ve seen trends come and go. While polling indicates we’re at an ebb in enthusiasm for climate action, I have great confidence that this trend will right itself soon enough. The climate crisis is getting far worse, not better, and it’s incumbent on all parties to bring realistic and ambitious solutions to the next federal election. There are clear benefits to such an approach, whether to attract another strong candidate like Karina Gould, or to explain to Canadians how they are dealing with a mounting, existential crisis for our people, our health and our economy. 

Second, I was taken aback at the MP’s suggestion that the climate job had been “accomplished.” It might have been a throwaway line, or perhaps I’m missing its intent, but I can say with great certainty that the current Liberal government has some serious climate homework to do – and a major climate test to pass – before it can earn a passing grade. 

For context, Canada’s Commissioner of the Environment and Sustainable Development Jerry DeMarco issued a new report last week in which, once again, he found that Canada is coming up short on climate action. Here’s one of the key takeaways: “Canada is the only G7 country that has not achieved any emissions reductions since 1990.”

I’m writing from a unique position: as a delegate to COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan. 

As someone who has worked as a community organizer, I’m well aware of the truth behind the adage that all politics are local. Often, they’re hyper-local – I’ve knocked on enough doors as a climate advocate to know that your messaging sometimes has to change a bit, even block to block, in order to connect on this complex and multi-pronged issue. 

Yet despite this, the international COPs remain a critical forum for climate policy. Ultimately, carbon pollution is a tragedy of the commons, and the United Nations remains the best and most viable forum for addressing the climate crisis in a way that works for everyone. 

COPs are also important for Canada. For various reasons, this government in particular is particularly interested in making use of COPs to announce major pieces of domestic climate policy. The current environment minister knows the COP system better than almost anyone; he’s clearly well-placed to drive ambitious commitments in places like Baku, with tangible implications for communities all across Canada. 

If polls are correct, this may well be this government’s last COP. The CAPE team at Baku is committed to ensuring we make the most of this opportunity. While we will be pressing Canada on its climate homework, including a range of domestic climate issues and international commitments, the biggest climate policy test of the current government is around the oil and gas pollution cap – previously known as the emissions cap. 

Two weeks ago, after years of promises, Canada rolled out draft pollution cap regulations. While the draft policy needs improvement – its targets remain too low and it still contains a variety of offsets that allow industry to pay to pollute – it is also an example of the kind of international climate leadership that Canada offers when it’s at its best. Canada is now the first and only oil and gas-producing country to propose a pollution cap of this sort. Sadly, you can get a sense of the policy’s importance as a game-changer by the vociferous and well-funded reaction from the current Alberta government. 

The CAPE team will be addressing the policy’s gaps in formal comments and other meetings with officials. But for now, what we need to see at COP29 is a sense of urgency from federal policymakers: we need the pollution cap passed without delay before the clock runs out on the current federal government. 

To reach its climate targets, Canada needs every tool in the deck – from increased carbon pricing to tighter industry-specific regulations. In the broader, international context, we also have huge unfinished work, from climate finance commitments to capping the export of dirty coal. 

But the pollution cap will mark a major step forward. While it won’t mean that Canada’s climate homework is done, it will mark the passage of a major climate test for this government. 

If Canada passes the test with flying colours, maybe more MPs can talk about their good work on climate with solid justification.